Communications Question

write a 2 page synthesis for the attached article below. I also attached an example of how It should look.

Childs, J. & Lewis, L. (2012). Food Deserts and a Southwest Community of Baltimore City, Food, Culture & Society, 15:3, 395-414.

-Introduce the article

-3 cited quotations that stood out to you, what did the text say that you found insightful or important

-What did you learn?

Food, Culture & Society
An International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research
ISSN: 1552-8014 (Print) 1751-7443 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rffc20
Food Deserts and a Southwest Community of
Baltimore City
Jessica Childs & Laura R. Lewis
To cite this article: Jessica Childs & Laura R. Lewis (2012) Food Deserts and a
Southwest Community of Baltimore City, Food, Culture & Society, 15:3, 395-414, DOI:
10.2752/175174412X13276629245849
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.2752/175174412X13276629245849
Published online: 29 Apr 2015.
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Food,
Culture
Society
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volume 15 issue 3 september 2012
Food Deserts and a Southwest
Community of Baltimore City
Jessica Childs
University of Maryland
Laura R. Lewis
Washington State University
Abstract
“Food deserts” lack both efficient transportation systems and stores carrying nutritious
foods, and the cost of healthy food is generally more expensive than processed. This study
is concerned with the presence of food deserts in Baltimore, focusing on the Cherry Hill
community. An adapted ethnographic survey was used to analyze community food access
and local stores were inventoried. Our results indicate the presence of a food desert in
this neighborhood. This is of particular interest as Cherry Hill is characterized as a
suburban area within the city of Baltimore. Moreover, this lower-income neighborhood’s
access to nutritional food options is further complicated by the physical and built
environment characteristic of suburbs and contradictory to studies that focus on the
dichotomy of inner-city versus suburban access to healthy food. We contribute to a
growing body of knowledge concerning unequal food distribution in urban communities
and issues of social and health injustice.
Keywords: food justice, suburban, built environment, geography, mixed methods
Introduction
The Definition of a Food Desert
10.2752/175174412X13276629245849
Reprints available directly from the
publishers. Photocopying permitted by
licence only © Association for the Study of
Food and Society 2012
The term “food desert” was first used in the later twentieth century by a resident of
Scotland who was attempting “to capture the experience of what it was like to live in
a deprived neighborhood where food was expensive and relatively unavailable”
(Cummins and MacIntyre 2002: 2,115). Since the definition was first developed, many
variations have been used to describe the experience of having limited access to food
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J. Childs and L. R. Lewis ◊ Food Deserts and a Southwest Community of Baltimore City
within both urban and rural communities. Shaw (2006) proposes a conceptual
understanding utilizing three specific criteria: access (physical ability to acquire
nutritious food); assets (financial ability to purchase food); and attitude (a state of
mind that prevents purchasing certain food items). In some studies, “food desert” is
used to describe the poor quality and quantity of the types of food available, while
other studies concentrate on areas of limited access to any type of food store, focusing
on the size and number of available food stores in a region (Hendrickson et al. 2006).
In this study, the definition of a food desert refers to a geographic area where there
is limited access to foods that are required for a nutritionally adequate diet, mainly
a lack of fruits, vegetables, whole grains, fresh meat and high-quality dairy. The study
adopts this definition because communities that lack access to nutritionally valuable
foods may face greater health risks than communities in neighborhoods with food
options more diverse than processed and manufactured goods.
The importance of consuming foods from the five main food groups (fruits,
vegetables, whole grains, protein and dairy) is well established. “Fresh fruits and
vegetables contribute vitamins, minerals, antioxidants, fiber and phytochemicals to
the diet. It has been suggested that regular consumption of these foods has been
associated with a decreased risk of diabetes, cardiovascular disease, cancer and
obesity” (Hendrickson et al. 2006: 372). Even though this is well acknowledged,
“four of the 10 leading causes of deaths in the United States are chronic diseases
for which diet is a major risk factor” (Zenk et al. 2005: 660). Several case studies
have documented that minority groups and those with limited incomes have a
greater risk of exposure to these types of diseases (Drewnowski 2004; Drewnowski
and Darmon 2005a, 2005b; Drewnowski et al. 2009). One possible reason for this
is that a greater proportion of minority and low-income populations live in areas
where access to healthy foods is limited (Kwate 2008; Larsen and Gilliland 2008;
Lopez 2007). According to a report by the US Department of Agriculture (2009),
over 4 percent of the US population live in low-income areas that are located more
than one mile from a supermarket. Additionally, researchers found that 6 percent
“of all US households did not always have the food they wanted or needed because
of access-related problems” (USDA 2009: iv). Consequently, food deserts are a
result of both physical and financial barriers that create obstacles in obtaining foods
that meet dietary requirements.
The Main Challenges to Access
The present study focuses on the spatial-temporal and socio-economic limitations
in obtaining food. Utilizing physical and financial access as our conceptual
framework to investigate an urban neighborhood and its ability to procure healthy
food we developed five primary foci: (1) lack of available financial resources; (2) the
lack of stores carrying nutritionally appropriate food in a geographic area; (3)
limited mobility due to the physical and built environment; (4) neighborhood crime
and; (5) deficient amount of time due to home and work responsibilities as well as
difficulty for people with special needs.
Financial limitations are a major challenge in obtaining the food required for a
nutritionally adequate diet. The main challenge is the high cost of healthy foods
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versus cheap packaged products and fast food. Compounding this problem is the
inflated cost of foods sold at small grocery stores in the urban or isolated rural
areas that are located far from supermarkets (Franco et al. 2007). Individuals can
experience temporal variability in their financial ability to purchase certain foods
because income can vary based on the timing of available work, paydays and paying
bills. One study found that “fresh fruits and vegetables were considered highly
desirable by poor urban residents but were not purchased regularly because they
were seen to be an impractical and unaffordable means of providing the family with
enough bulk to satisfy hunger” (Hendrickson et al. 2006: 372).
In many communities without access to nutritious foods, the majority of food
that is available comes prepackaged or from takeout vendors (Kwate 2008; Morland
and Evenson 2009; Smoyer-Tomic et al. 2006). This is particularly evident in lowincome neighborhoods with a high proportion of residents who identify themselves
as belonging to a racial minority (Kwate 2008; Larsen and Gilliland 2008). This
phenomenon creates an inequitable food landscape resulting in social and health
injustices. Often, this trend is also present due to the lower price of packaged foods
versus fresh, and that smaller, independent stores generally lack the storage space
or air-conditioning to keep the non-packaged foods fresh. Moreover, spoiled fresh
foods are a cost that many smaller stores cannot financially bear.
Drewnowski and colleagues (Drewnowski 2004; Drewnowski and Darmon
2005a, 2005b; Drewnowski et al. 2009) identified that individuals with limited
incomes tend to purchase products that are more “energy-dense,” which generally
include refined grains and foods with higher sugar and fat content (Drewnowski
2004). These products are generally low in cost, high in taste, and filling for the
individuals consuming them (Drewnowski 2004; Drewnowski and Darmon 2005a).
Overall, “food choices are made on the basis of taste, cost, and convenience, and
to a lesser extent, health and variety” (Drewnowski and Darmon 2005a: 266S). As
purchasing “energy-dense” foods is the most cost-efficient way to obtain dietary
energy, there are serious health implications that correlate with this consumption
pattern, especially in lower-income communities. “Based on aggregate census tract
data, the proportion of families living in poverty was strongly associated with higher
neighborhood rates of obesity and type 2 diabetes” (Drewnowski and Darmon
2005b: 900). Adopting a healthier diet requires a financial sacrifice as fresh produce
and lean meats are considerably more expensive than more processed foods. For
instance, one study found that every additional “100g increment in fruit and
vegetable consumption was indeed associated with an increase in diet costs of
0.18-0.29 euros/day … [whereas] each 100g of fats and sweets was associated
with a 0.40 euros/day reduction in daily diet costs” (Drewnowski and Darmon
2005a: 268S). Food prices, in general, have also been on a rise since the 1980s.
Over the last two decades, the price of fresh produce has increased by 89 percent,
whereas foods with high fat content have increased by only 35 percent, creating an
even greater challenge for lower-income individuals to purchase healthier, less
processed foods (Drewnowski 2004).
Availability of nutritious foods, regardless of price, is another constraint that
specific communities face. For instance, a study conducted in Edmonton, Canada
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J. Childs and L. R. Lewis ◊ Food Deserts and a Southwest Community of Baltimore City
“found, for the period from 1980 to 1998, a net loss of seven supermarkets … and
a ‘thinning out’ of stores, especially in the poorest part of the city” (Smoyer-Tomic
et al. 2006: 309). Another component that contributes to the high cost of healthy
food in poor, urban areas is that as supermarket accessibility is low, the smaller
corner stores and independent food stores tend to be more expensive due to the
high demand but low supply of grocers in the area (Franco et al. 2007; SmoyerTomic et al. 2006). “The actual cost of the MBP [market based price] of food in
urban areas can be 15 percent higher in supermarkets, 26 percent higher in medium
stores, and 38 percent higher in small stores” (Henderickson et al. 2006: 379).
Similarly, Franco et al. (2008) found a 20 percent mark-up at a Baltimore City
grocery store selling the same items as a supermarket located approximately one
mile away. Smaller grocers also tend to have less shelf and refrigeration space to
store fresh foods further displacing the presence of nutritious foods from these
communities. Less shelf space also limits small grocers’ ability to stock a variety
of products, which also inhibits consumers from meeting their daily nutritional
requirements (Henderickson et al. 2006). Consequently, access to healthy nutritious
foods is more related to the type of store that is located within a geographic area,
than to the number of stores that are available for food purchase (Block and Kouba
2006; Kwate 2008; Morland and Everson 2009). Furthermore, studies suggest that
the location of stores with revenues above $10 million/year is primarily driven by
neighborhood poverty rates, regardless of whether the area is located in a city or
suburban setting (Chung and Myers 1999). Studies have also indicated that the
income classification of a neighborhood location systematically affects the price
charged by the store (Talukdar 2008). Thus, financial barriers are compounded
when affordable supermarkets are absent from an area or prices are inflated,
decreasing access to nutritious food.
What is more, physical and financial constraints are often correlated for several
reasons. For example, areas that are geographically isolated from food stores also
tend to lack efficient public transportation systems that extend the distance needed
to retrieve these resources. This is particularly prevalent in rural communities that
lack mass transit systems altogether. Another example of the association between
physical and financial challenges in obtaining food is that low car ownership, and
thus stunted mobility, is experienced by low-income families. As Whelan et al.
reported:
[A] report of the Independent Inquiry into Inequalities in Health noted that 68 per
cent of households in the predominately low-income social renting housing
sector in the early 1990s had no access to a car compared with just 19 per cent
in the owner-occupied housing sector, yet the ability to travel by car on shopping
trips had become increasingly vital during the 1980s and 1990s as major food
retail developments increasingly focused upon the car-borne consumer. (Whelan
et al. 2002: 2,084)
Sprawl, poor urban planning, merging of companies and the higher purchasing
power of higher-income suburbs have led firms to move supermarkets out of
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inner-city areas (Smoyer-Tomic et al. 2006). This phenomenon also relates to rural
regions as under-populated areas lack the political and consumer power that
determine the overall location of supermarkets.
Many questions about food access and mobility are centered on the dissimilarity
between lower-income inner-city neighborhoods and higher-income suburban
communities. However, Talukdar (2008) demonstrated that poor suburban
neighborhoods suffered from geographic isolation because of the physical and built
environment inherent in these communities. This is further complicated by the
lower level of car ownership in these diffuse neighborhoods compared with their
higher-income counterparts. One study found that all individuals in a higher-income
suburb had regular access to cars for food shopping, while only about 60 percent
of those living in suburban neighborhoods classified as below the poverty level had
access to cars (Talukdar 2008). Thus, poor individuals without personal
transportation seek access to food in the closest stores to lower the cost associated
with acquiring food. These individuals are also the least likely to be able to take
advantage of market fluctuations in price and availability. When food stores are not
physically or financially accessible to a certain group of individuals, then the overall
health of the community will disintegrate, regardless of whether that community is
rural, suburban or in the city.
Another factor that complicates issues of access to food is that a greater
percentage of high crime areas are located in the inner-city opposed to the
surrounding suburban communities (Logan and Stults 1999). This can prevent both
supermarkets from moving into the area and individuals from leaving their
communities to go to supermarkets outside their neighborhood. Logan and Stults
(1999) found that affluent blacks living in suburban neighborhoods in Cleveland
still experienced higher violent and property crime rates then their poor white
counterparts. Additionally, low-income minority city neighborhoods experienced
the highest crime rates for both violent and property crime (Logan and Stults 1999).
Our study system, the neighborhood of Cherry Hill in Baltimore City is a low-income
suburban area that is predominantly African American and is considered to have a
high crime rate, allowing for a unique perspective of this concept. Moreover, this
phenomenon can pertain both to real crime in neighborhoods or perceived crime,
which generally relates to the stereotypical assumption that minority, low-income
communities are crime-ridden. If companies have a perception of crime in an area,
then they may be reluctant to open a store in that neighborhood, further limiting
access.
The individuals, within all demographic groups, who are most vulnerable to
facing the physical and financial challenges in obtaining food, include the elderly, the
disabled and single parents—primarily women. Another impact of being
economically marginalized is that women tend to have lower rates of car ownership
then men:
studies of lone-parent households in the 1990s drew attention to how low
income (two-thirds of such households required income support) went hand-inhand with poorer levels of mobility (levels of car access amongst such
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J. Childs and L. R. Lewis ◊ Food Deserts and a Southwest Community of Baltimore City
households were 40 percent below the national average) and, in turn impacted
the diets and nutrition of those households. (Whelan et al. 2002: 2,084)
This results in restricted access to healthy foods because individuals cannot travel
to more distant food stores that carry diverse products. Additionally, car-owning
individuals who are experiencing financial hardship may not have adequate
resources to consistently use a personal vehicle for routine tasks.
The elderly also face greater financial constraints than younger individuals
because many are retired or working part-time and may be restricted due to limited
mobility. Public transportation systems can be crowded and require transfers,
which can be difficult for individuals with canes or wheelchairs. One important
study on food access in Seacroft, England noted that many elderly participants
expressed concern about being able to carry heavy bags of groceries home, walking
to bus stops and having transit staff being impatient with less mobile individuals
(Whelan et al. 2002). These same challenges could be faced with disabled
individuals and single parents whom young children must accompany.
Overall, a greater percentage of food deserts are located within lower-income
or minority communities. However, it is important to recognize that:
[the] analysis of the role of race without regard to poverty and of poverty without
regard to race offers an incomplete picture of the potential importance of these
factors in shaping the spatial accessibility of supermarkets … given the roles of
racial residential segregation and economic restructuring. (Zenk et al 2005: 660;
see also Kwate 2008)
Generally, the “typical” food desert is found in areas where residents do not have
much political or purchasing power, which limits the community’s ability to demand
a decent food market be brought into the area.
These demographics (minority, low-income, elderly, single parents and women,
as well as the disabled) face greater constraints when obtaining healthy foods due
to potentially confronting more financial and physical barriers than others who are
more privileged with greater access to money, time and a vehicle. This illustrates
that food deserts disproportionately affect certain populations more than others
based on community and individual status. The consequence of this is that there is
an inequality in health due to an uneven access of healthy food among populations,
either individually or by community. The presence of food deserts is linked to
environmental justice issues. Environmental justice is concerned with inequitable
environmental burdens endured by groups such as racial minorities, women and
residents of low-income areas, among others (Schlosberg 2007). Food deserts are
linked to environmental justice issues because the environment, in a general sense,
refers to one’s surroundings, and the placement of supermarkets is tied to a specific
geographic area and certain characteristics of the community.
It is important to consider who is most affected by food deserts because this will
indicate where there are unequal gaps in community health. If food deserts and
poor availability of nutritious food have a greater effect on certain demographic
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groups, then targeted policies (e.g. women, infant and children programs) would be
useful in addressing this problem. Also useful would be special interest groups
advocating for the placement of retail and commercial enterprises within specific
urban and rural areas and the implementation of food justice initiatives.
Cherry Hill, Baltimore City
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Cherry Hill is an isolated area, within the city limits, on Baltimore’s fringe. The 2000
census lists the area as housing 7,681 individuals, mostly African American (98.7
percent). In Baltimore City as a whole, there are 651,154 individuals and 64 percent
of this population is African American. The median income in Cherry Hill is $19,193
annually and the unemployment rate is 8.8 percent. The main method of
transportation for individuals living in Cherry Hill is by personal car (57.25 percent)
followed by public transportation (35.7 percent) and biking/walking (5.6 percent).
According to Baltimore City Planning Department (2009), Cherry Hill was
created to meet the housing needs associated with the increased demand for
industrial workers during the Second World War. It experienced an influx of working
and middle class African Americans in the middle of the twentieth century, and
became known as one of the first African American suburbs in the United States.
Following the end of the war, the availability of industrial jobs went into decline and
the Cherry Hill community was targeted for the kind of low-income housing
developments that are generally subsidized by local, state and/or federal programs
(e.g. Section 8). These housing developments led to the flight of middle class
families, a decrease in the overall median income, and the spread of low-income
housing. Subsequently, these changes led to Cherry Hill becoming even more
suburbanized, with housing spread out and the community relatively isolated from
other neighborhoods. The Cherry Hill area is surrounded by the Baltimore Harbor
and the Patapsco River on the eastern and northern side, and railroad tracks,
highway infrastructure, and industry on its southern and western edge with only
three main roads and one bridge that lead outside of the neighborhood into the
surrounding Federal Hill area and Baltimore County. The community has also faced
suburban sprawl as many businesses have closed in the area and resources are
spread over a wide radius. Overall, the geographical isolation of this area makes
traveling to distant grocery stores an automatic challenge.
The built environment can play a vital role in either increasing or decreasing
one’s access to nutritious and affordable food options. Urban neighborhoods built
prior to the 1970s are more likely to have street patterns that are highly connected
with walkable commercial destinations throughout the area (Berrigan and Troiano
2002). Although our study system located in the neighborhood of Cherry Hill is an
older community, the retail stores are not in close proximity and its built
environment is not conducive to walking. The community is located on a pseudoisland with water surrounding over half of the area, and major train, highway and
industrial zones surrounding the rest of the neighborhood (see Figure 1). This
physical and built environment creates boundaries and barriers to effective
transportation, either by walking or the use of public transportation, throughout
the neighborhood. Rather, residents must rely on personal vehicles or make multiple
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J. Childs and L. R. Lewis ◊ Food Deserts and a Southwest Community of Baltimore City
Fig 1: Map of Cherry Hill Neighborhood in Southwest Baltimore City, USA.
public transportation transfers to reach destinations where they can purchase
affordable, nutritious food. Cherry Hill is also marked by the absence of any
supermarkets. Absence of a neighborhood supermarket is significantly associated
with increased risk of obesity, and thus other health problems that result from being
substantially overweight; with the presence of just one supermarket in a
neighborhood, obesity risk can be decreased by approximately 11 percent (Lopez
2007).
The problem that arises from a low-income suburban community is that
resources in suburban areas are widely dispersed, which can be difficult for
individuals to get around because of physical and financial limitations. If Cherry
Hill is considered a food desert, under the researchers’ definition, then it may be
difficult for individuals of the neighborhood to obtain food due to the physical layout
of the suburban community as well as the general lack of nutritious food available
at local stores.
Research Questions
Several questions were used to frame our research in this community. The primary
focus of our investigation looked at whether Cherry Hill fits the typical
characteristics of an urban food desert, and whether Cherry Hill may be
appropriately labeled as such. To answer this question we focused on three modes
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of inquiry: (1) what individual and community barriers exist in obtaining food in
this community; (2) what food groups and types of stores are readily available in
Cherry Hill; and (3) what distance do community members have to travel to obtain
nutritious foods? In our background research pertaining to the neighborhood, it
was determined that car ownership in the community was moderate (57.25 percent)
which is similar to studies of the lower-income suburbs of Buffalo, NY (Talukdar
2008). As a moderate to high rate of car ownership is uncharacteristic of typical
urban food deserts, the present study provides an excellent opportunity to test
whether the ability to use personal transportation hinders or facilitates access to
nutritious food. Furthermore, nearly half of the community has no access to a
personal vehicle for shopping needs, thus creating distinctiveness in realized food
geographies among residents in the same neighborhood. Can Cherry Hill still be
labeled a food desert for all residents based on local availability and access to
nutritious foods, or does physical and financial access disproportionately affect
certain parts of the community more than others? If so, how does the definition of
a food desert pertain to other suburban geographical areas that have not been
typically labeled as such in previous research studies? For instance, as Cherry Hill
closely resembles the structure of a suburban community, can low-income suburbs
also be labeled a food desert if healthy foods are lacking within the community’s
boundaries, despite relatively high levels of residents with cars? Overall, our
hypotheses were that vegetable and fruit access would be low and more expensive
in Cherry Hill, while highly-processed foods and takeout restaurants would be
excessively available, and that, regardless of car ownership, other barriers would
undermine uncomplicated access to healthy foods.
Methodology
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To gain a greater understanding of food security within the Cherry Hill community,
a mixed methods approach was utilized. The first method involved surveying the
surrounding neighborhoods for the types of food stores available, the food groups
present in each store and the general variety of products. This was determined by
using the local Yellow PagesTM (www.yellowpages.com) and GoogleTM (www.google.
com) to gather the number of food stores available within an eight-kilometer [five
mile] radius of the Cherry Hill zip code (21225). Each store was visited once and an
inventory of products was conducted. Stores were inventoried by using a
spreadsheet with the basic food categories that are found in commercial settings
(i.e. canned fruits and vegetables, fresh fruit and vegetables, processed foods, etc)
and then tallies were made under each category for the types of products found in
each location. Each food group was given a number according to availability (always
= 5, often = 4, sometimes = 3, rarely = 2, never = 1). Additionally, stores were
also labeled as a supermarket, convenience store or fast food/takeout vendor. The
researchers also used GoogleTM Maps (maps.google.com) to determine both the
distance and the estimated time it would take an individual who was coming from
a focal point located within the population center of the community to reach the
food source. The focal point used (780 Cherry Hill Road, 21225) was chosen as the
origin because it was within the residential center of the neighborhood. The Cherry
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J. Childs and L. R. Lewis ◊ Food Deserts and a Southwest Community of Baltimore City
Hill community is isolated and fairly compact and this was found to be a relevant
central location within the community. It is where a previous grocery store was
located before being shut down and is the focal point of the community in terms of
social activity (senior center, library and takeout). The investigated neighborhood
comprises a single censes block; however, if larger areas are under investigation,
using a centroid for each neighborhood or censes block would be a comparable
method to calculate a standardized mean distance to the nearest food outlet.
Utilizing GoogleTM Maps was helpful when identifying transportation barriers within
the community because it can estimate the travel time of public transportation in
the area as well. The researchers were also able to identify stores that had recently
closed down within the Cherry Hill area.
The other technique used in the research methodology was an adapted
ethnographic survey, which helped us to understand community members’
perspectives on food access and the barriers in obtaining food within the
neighborhood. Qualitative research to test the food desert concept has been lacking
in the literature and it has been suggested that more work needs to be done to
incorporate qualitative outcomes and quantitative data in analyses which this study
strives to do (Smoyer-Tomic et al. 2006; USDA 2009; Zenk et al 2005. The consumer
survey that was used was modeled after a similar study, the Baltimore Healthy
Stores Project (http://www.healthystores.org/BHS.html), conducted by Johns
Hopkins School of Public Health in 2000. The purpose of the questionnaire was to
gain community perspectives on food availability in the neighborhood, as well as
demographic information that would help us understand local food security issues
within an environmental justice framework. The questionnaire was given to local
organizations to distribute to community members, and to thirty residents of Cherry
Hill who volunteered to participate in the study. The consumer surveys were passed
out to the members of the Cherry Hill senior center and Saint Veronica’s Church,
visitors of the local public library and community center, and the Cherry Hill Family
Hospital. The surveyed locations were limited by the ability to gain access to all
locales within the neighborhood because the researchers were viewed as outsiders.
However, the variety of locations where the surveys were administered helped to
gain a diverse set of respondents from across the community. The participants were
able to fill out the written survey and mail it in at a later date; a $15 Wal-Mart gift
card was offered as a stipend for those who completed a questionnaire. The choice
of Wal-Mart for the gift card was determined during a pilot survey with residents
at the Cherry Hill senior center. Overall, the written survey had four main
components, including demographic information, questions on food availability,
challenges in obtaining food and several open-ended questions that allowed
participants to express their opinions on food options in Cherry Hill.
The demographic information collected includes: gender, age, ethnicity, marital
status, household composition (number of individuals and ages) and involvement
in food assistance programs. Participants of the study were also asked to rank their
overall diet and health. In the next section of the questionnaire, there were several
questions on purchasing patterns, such as where did individuals did primary and
secondary shopping trips, what types of foods they bought the most of, and food
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availability, which helped to assess the presence of different food groups within
Cherry Hill. Specifically, individuals were asked a series of questions requesting
them to rank the availability of all food groups. They were asked whether fresh
products in each group were represented in the stores, whether canned or frozen
products in each group were available, and whether they needed to travel outside
the community in order to acquire certain types of foods. Participants were given
a scale of 1–5 to (1 = never; 5 = always) to rank how often the surrounding stores
were well stocked with products, and also asked to estimate how many varieties of
fruits and vegetables were present at their primary food source. The participants
were asked questions on barriers to obtaining food, which included ranking the
importance of time, transportation difficulty, cost and crime in limiting ones’ ability
to acquire food. Individuals were also asked to write down the number of miles and
minutes it generally required to travel to the nearest store and the mode of
transportation they used (walking, biking, bus, light rail, metro, etc). The openended questions in the survey asked participants what types of foods they
purchased the most of, whether fresh foods or fast foods were more present in
Cherry Hill, what primarily affected their purchasing patterns and what they wished
would change in regards to food access in their community. Once all the information
was collected from the participants, the data were analyzed by calculating the
average response to each close-ended question and by creating a frequency chart
for the different responses to the various open-ended questions.
Results
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The store survey and the consumer questionnaire had similar results, indicating
that it would be appropriate to designate Cherry Hill as a food desert due to the
quality and quantity of food for purchase in the area. The store survey helped to
identify what types of food stores were in the area and what products were
available. According to the GoogleTM and Yellow PagesTM search engines, there were
fourteen food stores in Cherry Hill (21225). Two were convenience stores (Reedbird
Deli & Market and the Cherry Hill Grocery), one was a closed supermarket (Coolsave
Supermarket), nine were fast food/takeout vendors, one was a specialty food store
(Filipino and Asian food store) and one was a liquor store. The closest supermarket,
Food King, was located 3.37 kilometers [2.1 miles] from Cherry Hill. In order to
shop at Food King, individuals must either take the bus, light rail or use a personal
vehicle. The USDA’s report on “Access to Affordable and Nutritious Food” (USDA
2009) states that food access is considered “low” when the nearest supermarket
is more than one mile away. Furthermore, when searching for public transportation
routes it was discovered that it could require up to three transfer buses for an
individual to reach the Food King on Annapolis Road, Maryland. Overall, Food King
seemed to be a place where many participants of the study shopped. The
supermarket was relatively cheap and had dollar sales on boxed mashed potatoes,
pickled beets and other similar items. Consumers were also able to buy in bulk,
which can dramatically cut one’s grocery bill. Food King offered both fresh produce
and meats, as well as dried beans, cheese and eggs. It was also one of the only
carriers of baby food in the area. Baby food was not found in either convenience
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store located in Cherry Hill. On the scale of 1 to 5 (with 1 = least available and 5
= most available) fresh fruits and vegetables were the least available of all of the
food types surveyed, with respondents reporting these as rarely available (2.39 ±
1.4 and 2.63 ± 1.52 for fresh vegetables and fruits respectively). Respondents
reported the other food items as only sometimes available, the most available being
canned and processed foods: protein (2.97 ± 1.47); non-dessert dairy (3.03 ± 1.4);
canned/frozen vegetables (3.11 ± 1.5); grains/bread (3.13 ± 1.31); canned/frozen
fruits (3.2 ± 1.49). The two convenience stores located in Cherry Hill had an overall
similar selection (see Table 1).
The qualitative results of the ethnographic survey assisted in understanding the
community’s perspective on food issues within Cherry Hill. Most importantly,
researchers observed that most participants did their primary shopping at grocery
Table 1: Selection of Food Items Available from the Only Convenience Stores
Located in Cherry Hill—the Cherry Hill Grocery and the Reedbird Deli & Market.
Type of product
Cherry Hill Grocer
Reedbird Food Market
Fresh vegetables
Potatoes and onions
Tomatoes, onions,* and
potatoes*
Canned/frozen vegetables Corn, collard greens,
sauerkraut, green beans,
tomato sauce, peas,
yams, and potatoes
Asparagus, spinach,
tomatoes, tomato sauce,
kale, turnips, and
green beans
Fresh fruits
Apples* and lemons
Canned/frozen fruits
Apple sauce
Peaches, pineapple, and
apple sauce
Proteins
Dried lentils, dried navy
beans, processed meats
(lunch meat, hot dogs,
spam), and frozen meats
(shrimp, fish, chicken)
Processed meats (hot
dogs, lunch meat,
canned hash and meat),
canned salmon and clams,
bacon, canned beans,
dried black-eyed peas,
dried navy beans, and
peanut butter
Dairy (including eggs)
Eggs and milk
Milk and butter
Grains
Enriched pasta, egg
noodles, and
white rice
White flour, enriched
pasta, white rice, oatmeal,
grits, and cream of wheat
Other
TV dinners
Vegetable oil
*Not fresh, but edible
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stores even though, as previously noted, there were no grocery stores located in the
neighborhood. Overall, individuals ranked most food groups (vegetables, fruits,
grains, dairy and protein) as sometimes to never available within Cherry Hill. Table
1 illustrates the availability of each food group and the rankings from the adapted
ethnographic survey. The least available products were fresh fruits, fresh vegetables
and protein sources. The food groups sometimes available were non-dessert dairy
products, canned and frozen vegetables, and grains. The most available food group
was canned and frozen fruits (see Table 1). This differs from the inventory of the two
convenience stores, as noted above. On average, respondents stated that the stores
in Cherry Hill were only sometimes well stocked (Table 1). It was also observed
that 89.66 percent of respondents reported that they did not believe that fast food
was cheaper than fresh products. Yet, 73.33 percent (22 respondents) believed that
fast foods were more available than fresh foods in the Cherry Hill community
(Figure 2).
In the questionnaire, participants were asked to list the primary factors that
influence purchasing patterns and to rank how often certain barriers
(transportation, time, cost and crime) were important in determining shopping
options. The results are illustrated in Figure 3. Overall, financial concerns were the
main limitations faced by consumers (44.44 percent of respondents mentioned cost
as a primary factor influencing purchases). This corresponds with Shaw’s criteria,
which regards financial assets as one of the three primary constraints to food
access associated with classification of a food desert (Shaw 2006). The second
main factor influencing food purchases made by participants was health factors,
followed by needs, time, availability and freshness of products. Neighborhood crime
rates were not seen as a factor with a strong influence on shopping habits. The
least significant factors included location and transportation needs. It is probable
that transportation barriers were the smallest concern of community members due
to the moderate to high ownership rate of personal vehicles in the area (57.25
percent). However, members of the Cherry Hill community are still forced to travel
a distance that is considered substantial according to the USDA’s report on access
3
2
1
Food,
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2
3
Fast foods
Packaged and processed foods
Fresh foods
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Fig 2: Categories of Food Most Available in Cherry Hill.
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J. Childs and L. R. Lewis ◊ Food Deserts and a Southwest Community of Baltimore City
1
8
2
7
6
5
4
3
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Location
Price
Availability
Freshness
Time
Transportation
Needs
Nutritional and health factors
Fig 3: Primary Factors Affecting Food Purchases in Cherry Hill.
to healthy food, particularly for residents in a semi-urban/suburban locale (USDA
2009).
Overall, when asked to rank how often certain factors acted as a challenge in
obtaining food, it was observed that cost was sometimes a problem and, that time
and transportation were rarely to sometimes problematic. Although transportation
was not labeled as a major constraint in obtaining food, it was determined that the
mean distance for respondents to get to a supermarket from Cherry Hill was 6.2–
6.7 km (3.8–4.1 miles), which is a very long distance to travel for adequate food in
an urban area. The number of minutes it took to reach a supermarket differed for
the participants of the study according to transportation methods and store
preference. Most respondents were able to reach a supermarket in 6–15 minutes
(refer to Figure 4), but it took others about 30 minutes to travel to a grocery store.
In the open-ended questions of the consumer survey, 50 percent of respondents
stated that one thing that they would change about access to food in Cherry Hill
would be to have a grocery store in the neighborhood. One response was “to open
up a store that will be well stocked with quality food, healthy food and value
conscious” while another was “to have a decent, ongoing, functional supermarket”
in the neighborhood. When asked what they would like to see their local food
provider carry, many responses included variety and fresh foods. One individual
mentioned, “When grocery stores open here they are overpriced and never stocked
with anything of value.” Another response was that “they could improve in having
meat, fruits and vegetables that aren’t spoiled.” These responses paralleled another
study on food access in Minnesota (USA). In this study, conducted in Saint Paul and
rural areas of the state, the researchers analyzed food choices, concluding that (1)
much of the foods located in the areas of interest were of poor quality and could be
classified as inedible, and (2) the variety and number of available products in each
food group were limited (Hendrickson 2006: 378). Consequently, poor nutritional
quality and variety of foods result in suboptimal health and inadequate nutrition. For
instance, in a study conducted by Cummins and MacIntyre (1999) in Glasgow,
Scotland found that half the men and one-third of the women had sub-optimal
vitamin C intake, with the majority of this intake coming from chips and potatoes
rather than the preferred green vegetables and fresh fruit. It is well known that
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Fig 4: Mean Travel Time Spent Obtaining Food in Cherry Hill.
vitamins and minerals found in fresh fruits and vegetables support the immune
system and help to prevent illnesses. This means that due to the low availability of
nutritious foods in Cherry Hill, there may be a high percentage of individuals in the
area who are not meeting their nutritional daily requirements and subsequently
developing related health problems.
Discussion
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Overall, this study is similar to the results of others in that it confirms the presence
of food deserts in urban areas throughout North America. Many food groups were
not always present in the stores located in Cherry Hill and community members
may need to travel far distances to surrounding supermarkets. For instance,
researchers that focused on Edmonton, Canada located six food deserts within the
study area and found that “residents of these neighborhoods on average needed to
travel about 2.1 to 2.5 km [~1.3 to 1.55 miles] to reach the nearest supermarket,
compared to the city median of about 1.4 km [0.86 miles]” (Smoyer-Tomic et al.
2006, 315). In the present study it was generally found to take individuals 3.4 km
(2.1 miles) to get to the nearest food store, which was Food King, and the mean was
6.2–6.7 km (3.8–4.1 miles) to shop for food. The main difference between this study
and others is that the rate of car ownership is moderate to high in Cherry Hill, thus
mitigating the difficulty of getting to distant grocery stores. This challenges the
assumption that transportation issues heavily impact individuals’ ability to obtain
nutritious foods, thus opening the definition of a food desert to other regions
previously ignored as potential at-risk areas. An example of this region would be a
low-income suburban community where car access may be relatively high, yet
residents still have to travel substantial distances and incur further financial burden
to obtain food. This indicates that other factors play a more important role in
determining food availability, such as finances, traveling inconveniences and time.
This study has important health implications that connect to a study by the
Baltimore Healthy Stores project. This study found that in West Baltimore, 31
percent of the adult residents were considered obese and that the number of deaths
caused by heart disease increased by 75 percent in the 1990s (Baltimore Healthy
Stores 2006). The same study also noted that Baltimore has experienced a
significant drop in the number of supermarkets over the past two years. The
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J. Childs and L. R. Lewis ◊ Food Deserts and a Southwest Community of Baltimore City
connection between these two studies is important because it indicates that the
loss of supermarkets in an area such as Cherry Hill can be linked to poor health.
Health inequalities are a growing problem in the United States. Although we
generally associate health inequalities with affordability and insurance coverage, the
problem also includes disparities of access to healthy foods within communities.
Even when demand is present for nutritious foods in a community, as it is in Cherry
Hill, the little political and economic power within the community enables
corporations to move to more affluent neighborhoods. The result of this is that
individuals have less control over their food choices, and ultimately their health,
which is an injustice because it reinforces the health inequalities between low and
high-income groups.
The presence of a suburban food desert is uncommon in the literature and lowerincome suburban communities are faced with challenges beyond access to healthy
food. American suburbs currently house the greatest share of the US poor, with
approximately 50 percent residing in such areas (Murphy and Wallace 2010).
Research has shown that suburban low-income neighborhoods are more likely to
lack functional local organizational infrastructure and support than are inner-city
poor communities (Murphy and Wallace 2010). This phenomenon has been
attributed to the theory that the inherent structure and sprawl of suburbia
facilitates isolation from organizations that can help residents meet their daily
needs. Furthermore, growth in numbers of suburban poor has been linked to an
increase in social and physical corrosion often associated with the inner-city that
includes rising crime rates, old buildings, deteriorating schools and population loss
(Murphy and Wallace 2010). Unfortunately, these characteristics are coupled with
the absence or loss of commercial infrastructure such as supermarkets because of
the risk and the cost to benefit perceived by investors (Chung and Myers 1999).
Therefore, we can argue that in many ways that poor suburban areas that are food
deserts face even greater challenges to access of nutritious foods and food justice
programs then their inner-city counterparts.
The topic of food deserts has become a highlight of research only since the later
part of the twentieth century. One aspect of food deserts that needs further
attention is the impact that food deserts and the low intake of nutritious foods have
on children and their health and development. As previously noted, single parents
are more vulnerable to the physical and financial challenges that can affect
purchasing patterns. This results in poorer health for these families. For instance,
a “study of lone parents revealed that respondents who bought in budget stores or
whose consumption habits were significantly influenced by their children had, in
general, much less healthy dietary patterns” (Whelan et al 2002: 2097). In the
Cherry Hill study it was found that 60 percent of participants in the consumer
questionnaire were single parents. Of that percentage, two-thirds of these
individuals identified as female. Research is needed on the health of women versus
men within food deserts, in order to help identify the demographics most at risk of
serious health problems.
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Food Justice in Baltimore, MD
Suggestions for creating greater access to food in communities experiencing these
conditions include improving public planning in order to increase the number of
public transportation routes that allow community members to acquire needed
resources in shorter amounts of time; relocating supermarkets into areas of need;
and working with independent store owners to increase product selection. The latter
was attempted in East Baltimore with the help of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg
School of Public Health, the Center for a Livable Future and the Baltimore Healthy
Stores project (Baltimore Healthy Stores 2009). Community gardens may also be
an important method for increasing access to fresh fruits and vegetables, as well
as empowering a community towards taking independent action to securing food
availability. There are limitations to this option, however, including time, starting
cost, interest and gardening experience within the neighborhood, and adequate
space with healthy soil. There are also many organizations located within rural and
urban communities who are aware of food security issues and working to expand
access to these resources.
This problem is well acknowledged in many neighborhoods and community
organizations of Baltimore City. The Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public
Health has conducted a number of case studies and programs, including the
Baltimore Healthy Stores project, which have helped identify the barriers facing
Baltimore City residents when making food purchases, as well as proposed
strategies to improve access within the city. Other organizations striving to make
change include the Johns Hopkins Center for a Livable Future, Baltimore City Public
Schools and Baltimore City Health Department (Baltimore City Food Task Force
2009). One proposed strategy to help improve accessibility is the Baltimore City
Health Department’s Virtual Supermarket Program. This program allows individuals
living in areas with low access to fresh foods, supermarkets and public transit to
order groceries online at their local library and pick them up the following day. This
program specifically targets communities that face many barriers to obtaining fresh
foods. Cherry Hill is one of these communities and the Department of Health
Cherry Hill has the second highest stroke mortality rate and the third highest
heart disease mortality rate among the 55 Baltimore City communities.
Moreover, food options are much more limited in Cherry Hill, and the nearest
supermarket is 2.3 miles away. (Baltimore City Health Department 2011)
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This program was developed in 2010 and currently has four delivery sites.
There are also a wide variety of urban gardening and farming organizations that
are active within the city limits. For instance, Real Food Farm (http://real-foodfarm.org), a Civic Works project, located in northeast Baltimore has three hoop
houses operating throughout the winter. These hoop houses are used as both an
education space for Baltimore City students, as well as a produce source for a local
winter farmer’s market and restaurants. The Baltimore City Public School System
also has a partnering farm, Great Kids Farm, to help connect students with
opportunities to learn and participate in agriculture (http://www.greatkidsfarm.
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org/). Cherry Hill was also awarded a grant in 2010 from the Baltimore Community
Association to create an “Eat Healthy, Live Healthy Community Garden.” Although
Cherry Hill is identifiable as a food desert, organizations of Baltimore City have
been making strides to become aware of its impact on public health and to
institutionalize programs that will limit its effects on city residents.
Conclusion
Overall, there were several key findings in both the qualitative ethnographic survey
and the geographic food store survey and inventory. Cherry Hill is one example of
a suburban food desert in the United States. The participants of the study, as well
as individuals located in other food deserts in America, have difficulty in obtaining
nutritious foods in their community because products from the main food groups
are not always available or fresh and edible. This leads to some serious implications
for public health and wellbeing, including health complications and disease, learning
and attention disabilities for children and vitamin deficiencies. This creates a
disadvantage for those living in geographically isolated areas that lack healthy
foods. Food deserts tend to be primarily located in low-income and minority areas,
in both rural and urban areas, thus affecting one population more than another and
creating a health inequality between demographic groups. Addressing the
significance of and need for food security is important in regards to healthcare
reform and improving the livelihoods of individuals and the wellbeing of
communities.
Jessica Childs is currently working as an agricultural specialist on a communitysupported agriculture farm and plans to pursue a graduate degree focusing on food
justice and urban agriculture. Geography and Environmental Systems Department,
University of Maryland, Baltimore County, 1000 Hilltop Circle, Baltimore, MD 21250,
USA (jesschi1@umbc.edu).
Laura R. Lewis is the Washington State University Extension Director for Jefferson
County. Her research and educational outreach focuses on issues relating to
agrobiodiversity conservation and crop evolution as well as social-ecological aspects of
agrobiodiversity in urban and rural landscapes. Washington State University Extension,
Jefferson County, 201 W. Patison Road, Port Hadlock, WA 98339, USA (laura.lewis
@wsu.edu).
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2-PAGE SYNTHESIS EXAMPLE (ALL CAPS NO PAGE # ON FIRST PAGE)
Title of Paper Centered and Double Spaced
Kristo Name Gobin
Loyola Marymount University
The prompt for this synthesis: what does the field of communication say about theory and
praxis?
2-PAGE SYNTHESIS EXAMPLE
2
Kushner, T. (1993). Angels in America: A gay fantasia on national themes. New York:
Theatre Communications Group.
In his modern masterpiece Angels in America: A Gay Fantasia on National Themes
playwright Kushner (1993) wrote, “You can’t live in the world without an idea of the world, but
it’s living that makes the ideas. You can’t wait for a theory, but you have to have a theory” (p.
144). The incredibly dense play is typically performed over the course of two evenings. The
typical two- and half-hour blocks standard for Broadway productions are performed each night
are postmodern and critical to say the least. The play situates the real life of Roy Cohn, (The
Red Scare’s Joseph McCarthy’s right hand) among six other fictional characters in 1985-1986 in
AIDS ravaged New York. The piece provides a significant deconstruction of Reagan NeoConservative politics, liberal activism, a thorough look at the history of the Mormon Church,
mental illness, religion, God, the nature of forgiveness, and feminism to name a few of the
central themes.
This play is important when examining the connection between theory and praxis,
answering the central question how does the text set up and explore the differences between the
two? This question lends itself to exploring performance and performance studies which is
comfortably housed in Communication Studies.
When examining how theory is applied to the praxis of living, Angels in America
captures life in a rapidly changing world living and dying through a plague. Kushner sets up an
epic paradigm shift and for the first time frames the notion of someone living with AIDS.
“Nothing’s lost forever. In this world there is a kind of painful progress. Longing for what
we’ve left behind, and dreaming ahead” (Kushner, 1993, p. 142). The text allows for the reader
to distinguish between the notion of theory and praxis; theory being ideas about living in the
world, while praxis is the action or summation of the actions of the living.
2-PAGE SYNTHESIS EXAMPLE
3
As the characters trudge through the realities of a modern plague, living life while dying,
the audience is asked to weigh simultaneous and dichotomous juxtaposition of theory and praxis,
Together we organize the world for ourselves, or at least we organize our understanding
of it; we reflect it, refract it, criticize it, grieve over its savagery and help each other to
discern, amidst the gathering dark, paths of resistance, pockets of peace and places from
whence hope may be plausibly expected. (Kushner, 1993, p.155)
Kushner empowers the audience to consider residing in a liminal space, the small doorframe
between theory and praxis. A space where one can consider inherited histories, contextualize
problematics, deconstruct nuance while negotiating hostile dehumanizing institutions, navigating
choice, and residing and relying on communities. The play as text (theory), and the play as
production (praxis) introduced the idea that people afflicted with AIDS were people, and people
living with AIDS were living With AIDS. No longer was the diagnosis of AIDS death. Prior to
medical advancements and the introduction to the triple cocktail in the mid 1990’s which
significantly impacted mortality and morbidity rates, the life between diagnosis and inevitable
death were expanded upon. People lived until they died, which Kushner requires the audience to
wrestle with, much like Jacob wrestling with the Angel. This is important as President Ronald
Regan and modern Neo Conversative policies viewed AIDS as a plague sent by God to punish
and cleanse the earth of homosexuality. The official stance of the United States government was
to keep the plague and those dying trapped in silence, shame, and hidden away from financial or
medical resources much less compassion or love.
When theory is performed in praxis it poetically transforms to take on new life as it did in
the HBO Miniseries (2003) of the same name. Actress Meryl Streep played: Hannah Pitt, Ethel
Rosenberg, The Rabbi, The Continental Principality Oceania would go onto summarize the
intersection of theory and praxis by saying of Tony Kushner, “the bravest thing in the world is
that writer that sits alone in a room and works out his grief, his rage, his imagination, and his
2-PAGE SYNTHESIS EXAMPLE
deep desire to make people laugh, and he makes a work of art that then transforms the world,
with the truth, because that’s all we want, that’s all we need.”
Angels in America is a text that is brought to life through performance or praxis. It is
also a text that seeks to explore the gaps between theory and praxis. The play does not seek to
provide any answers to the profound questions it asks, instead lays out paradoxes that must be
managed.
4
5
2-PAGE SYNTHESIS EXAMPLE
Works Cited
Costas, C. (Producer). Nichols, M. (Director). (2003). Angels In America. New York,
NY: HBO Video.
Kushner, T. (1993). Angels in America: A gay fantasia on national themes. New York:
Theatre Communications Group.
Mischer, D. (Producer). (2004, September 19). 56th Prime Time Emmy Awards. Los
Angeles, CA.
2 Page Synthesis Check List
 2 Full pages
 Cover Page/Header/Page Number
 Citation at top
 Introduction of article
 3 selected quotes
 Set up, quote, synthesize the quote
 Conclusion of article
 Works cited for additional sources. PRIMARY SOURCES ONLY
 Correct APA (see APA Style Manual or APA Cheat Sheet for more details)
2-PAGE SYNTHESIS EXAMPLE
6
Annotated Bibliographies
Synthesize the article based on the question “what does the field of Communication Studies say
about…”
Introduction
Introduce the article, what is the subject, why did you choose this article, what does this article
have to do with your topic? Is the scholar important, are they an authority on the subject, do they
have a robust body of research pertaining to this topic?
Are there key words, operational definitions that are vital to understanding your topic?
The Body
What theories are used?
What is the thesis?
What are the main arguments, findings?
Quote 1- use the text to discuss the text
Quote 2- set up the quote, provide the quote, explain what the quote means
Quote 3- make sure your APA is on point, no secondary citations
If someone asked what this article is about, how would you explain it to them?
Conclusion
Reiterate why this article is important to your topic.
Every article is different so focus on explaining why this article helps you situate the research.
Outline the method and provide details about the study.
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crucial historical information
operational definitions
information that currently situates the article
important context about the article
important facts or data; statistical information, qualitative information, critical claims
use quotes to justify your summary
Be sure to only cite the authors. There are no secondary citations allowed in this paper. If you
like a quote from the literature review by another author, you need to find the citation in the
works cited, locate the article, and properly cite it. Tactile read it so you are properly citing the
article. Remember we do not read to memorize, we read and mark up important information so
that you can find it later when you need it.
Finally, notice my use of the phrase “this work” as opposed to “I think…” Do not use “I” you
are synthesizing a research article.
LOCS’S 2 Page Synthesis
NCA (2015). What Should a Graduate with a Communication Degree Know, Understand,
and Be Able to Do? The National Communication Association Learning Outcomes in
Communication Project 1765 N Street NW Washington, DC 20036
In the reading and synthesis paper under review, the National Communication Association
outlines some of the learning outcomes expected from an education program entailing
communication. According to the article, the social world, which is relational, collaborative,
strategic symbolic, and adaptive, is structured by communication. Depending on the extent of
expectation for the stage of achievement at varying levels, the learning outcomes are flexible.
Thus, part of the discussion under review entails highlighting some of the quotations from the
article that stood out at a personal level. Further sections also highlight insightful areas. Lessons
gained from the article concerning communication are also included.
The article under review highlights some of the learning outcomes expected from a
communication degree graduate. There are nine expected learning outcomes, and they include;
describing the communication discipline and its central questions, employing communication
theories, perspectives, principles, and concepts, taking part in communication inquiry, coming up
with messages that are appropriate to the target audience, purpose as well as context, critically
analyzing messages. Also, additional learning outcomes highlighted are self-efficacy which
entails demonstrating the capability to finish communication objectives, applying ethical
communication principles and practices, embracing differences through the use of
communication, and the last learning outcome is, influencing public discourse. Among the nine
communication outcomes highlighted in the article, the one insightful takeaway is the fourth
learning outcome. NCA (2015), under the highlighted outcome, states, “Select creative and
appropriate modalities and technologies to accomplish communicative goals” (p.5). As a
graduate with a communication degree, part of creating messages appropriate to the target
audience, intended purpose, content, creative and relevant modalities, including technologies
needed in accomplishing the communication objectives, are encouraged. The learning outcome is
important since it ensures that the information is delivered to the audience as required. Despite
how good information could be, its content and creation procedures make it worthless if they
miss out on key aspects. The other takeaway from this learning outcome is that regardless of the
message’s contents, having the appropriate modalities and integrating technology makes the set
goals achievable.
Reading and synthesizing the National Communication Association learning outcomes in
the communication project has been educational at a personal level. There are numerous lessons
gained in the process. For instance, in addition to ensuring that the messages created are
appropriate to the target audience, the article also highlights the need for ethics in
communication. NCA (2015) states, “Articulate the ethical dimensions of a communication
situation” (p.6). Depending on a communication circumstance, it is indicated under the seventh
outcome that learning to comprehend the ethical dimensions in a communication scenario is key
for a communication degree graduate. The key takeaway from this lesson is that having the
awareness to integrate ethics in communication aids in addressing possible ethical concerns in
the process of passing on a message, and as a communication graduate having an understanding
of such is key. Further, in the stated learning outcome, NCA (2015) reiterates, “Choose to
communicate with ethical intention.”As part of the communication project learning outcome,
there is an insistence on choosing to communicate with ethical intention is an insightful concept
for any communication graduate. Intentionally communicating with adherence to ethics ensures
that ethical issues that could have been raised out of ignorance are not witnessed. Also, the
comprehension of ethics guarantees the capability to suggest solutions to unethical
communication procedures.
Work Cited
NCA (2015). What Should a Graduate with a Communication Degree Know, Understand,
and Be Able to Do? The National Communication Association Learning Outcomes in
Communication Project 1765 N Street NW Washington, DC 20036